Youth political participation

On Some Early Wins for the 2026 General Elections: A Case of the Electoral Commission of Zambia's Mass Voter Registration at Mahatma Gandhi Secondary School in Mtendere Ward in Munali Constituency

ECZ infographic displaying key Mass Voter Registration details

The Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ), pursuant to the Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Act No. 2 of 2016, Article 46, is facilitating the registration of eligible citizens as voters. Following the 2021 General Elections, on 1st June 2022, the ECZ commenced conducting Continuous Voter Registration across 30 districts countrywide.

Building on that, the Commission is now conducting a Mass Voter Registration (MVR) exercise from 13th October to 11th November 2025 across all 156 constituencies, targeting approximately 3.5 million eligible voters. This will add to the 7.07 million already registered as of 25th February 2025. The MVR is being carried out alongside the Online Pre-Voter Registration (OVR) for first-time voters, which runs from 15th September to 3rd November 2025.

On the commencement day of the MVR on 13th October 2025, I went to Mahatma Gandhi Secondary School, one of the voter registration centres in Munali Constituency, to unofficially observe and interact with the Assistant Registration Officer. I returned the next day to both further observe and register as a voter myself. My registration involved updating my new address and polling station details from those I used during the 2020 registration. This is one of the six (6) voter registration services ECZ is offering during this exercise; they are also doing new registrations, replacement of lost, destroyed, or defaced voter’s cards, claims for omission from the register of voters, corrections of clerical errors, and removal of deceased voters. 

ECZ infographic about voter registration services

From my two-day observation and registration experience, I was impressed with the ECZ’s coordination with the Zambia Police in assisting people who have lost their voter’s cards. They can obtain a police report right at the registration centre, eliminating the hassle of having to go to a nearby police station and return. This simple coordination effectively removes a major barrier to participation.

Another plus for the Commission is the provision of an alternative power supply at Mahatma Gandhi. This is especially commendable considering that ZESCO recently reduced the power supply to only four hours per day due to “extreme challenges in electricity generation and access.” Since registration runs from 08:00 to 17:00, the availability of a standby generator ensures uninterrupted service.

The registration process itself is relatively swift, combining manual and digital steps. It took roughly less than 10 minutes per registration. However, if the number of registrants increases significantly, that duration may still be too long. I believe there is room to streamline and reduce registration time even further.

ECZ infographic about OVR and MVR

As a communications professional, I am particularly impressed by the Commission’s communication efforts, both online and offline. The ECZ Facebook page, for instance, is abuzz with infographics, live coverage, and voter registration promotional content. Beyond social media, they are also active on radio and television.

Closer to home in Mtendere, I’ve heard loudspeaker announcements broadcast in local languages inviting eligible citizens to register. Such localized outreach is fundamental to ensuring increased participation. From these efforts, I foresee many citizens, especially youth, women, and persons with disabilities, turning up to register, not only at Mahatma Gandhi but across the country.

That said, while there are clear wins, there is still room for improvement in three key areas:

1. Further Digitising the Registration Process

Though ECZ already appears to be digitising the registration process, as shown by the Online Pre-Voter Registration system, which allows first-time voters to submit their details online before visiting a physical centre for verification and card printing, I still foresee a kerfuffle for both officers and registrants at the physical centres. During my registration, the officer manually entered the data letter by letter, making the process long. Imagine if ECZ upgraded its system to allow NRC scanning, automatically capturing details such as name, date of birth, and NRC number. Digitising the registration process would make data entry faster, more accurate, and more efficient, leaving the registration officer with only a few clicks to complete the process.

2. State and Location of the Registration Centre

At Mahatma Gandhi, it is impressive that the voter registration is taking place in a classroom accessible with a ramp; however, this is happening during lessons with about 50 pupils in it. Only a third of the room is reserved for the registration officer and a police officer who is administering on-site police reports for lost voters’ cards. When I was registering, there were about five of us, but imagine 20 people arriving at once. It would be chaotic.

The space is simply not adequate for large numbers, and pupils also need a quiet learning environment. Besides, this is happening in the October heat without air conditioning. Instead, they can set up the registration in a separate, unoccupied room with better ventilation and more space.

3. Strengthening Stakeholder Engagement

I encourage all stakeholders, including civil society, media, and citizens, to actively publicise this democratic process, which directly affects the quality and integrity of our elections in 2026. Actively mobilise youth, women, and persons with disabilities to register, and observe how the registration is conducted.

Above all, let us each take responsibility by going to register as voters. Check for a voter registration centre near you in phase one of the Mass Voter Registration exercise, HERE.

Gerald sikazwe

The author works as CYLA’s Communications Assistant.

CYBER LAWS OR CYBER GAGS? What Young Politicians Must Know About Zambia's Cyber Laws Today

2024 PYPA participants looking on smartphones’ screens during a session.

In the last decade, the internet and digital technologies have become rooted in everyday life across the world. The ability to maximise the internet effectively has become a key differentiator between those who lead and those who follow across business, health, education, and, most strategically, politics. To this effect, globally, the concept of digital democracy, using digital technologies to enhance participation, representation, transparency and accountability, and the rule of law, is growing.

Most countries digitised almost overnight in the wake of Covid-19, which closed the world. With movement restricted and physical interactions nearly impossible, much of human activity shifted online. Expression, association, and assembly were carried out virtually. While access to information, goods, services, and social interactions became dependent on clicks and screens.

Even before COVID-19, African countries had begun considering digitising. Some had enacted laws on electronic transactions, data protection, ICT, and cyberspace security. For Zambia, however, these efforts accelerated after the pandemic as internet uptake in the country surged. In 2021, the government enacted three major pieces of legislation: the Cyber Security and Cyber Crimes Act (2021), the Data Protection Act (2021) and the Electronic Communications and Transactions Act (2021).

Though presented as progressive steps to ensure affordable access, online safety, and integrated public services, they were problematic and thusly criticised for being rushed, lacking consultation, and undermining key freedoms. Most problematic among them was the Cyber Security and Cyber Crimes Act, which legitimised arbitrary surveillance of citizens, restricted free expression, and eroded online civic participation by removing judicial safeguards and parliamentary oversight.

An apple a day…

Cyber laws, at their best, are positive steps to making the internet safe, affordable, and accessible. They provide protection against fraud, hacking, identity theft, misinformation, cyberbullying, and technology-assisted gender-based violence. They also safeguard critical infrastructure, regulate online transactions, protect intellectual property, and establish standards for data privacy. When designed with human rights and democratic principles at the core, such laws not only secure the digital space but also end up protecting and promoting the interests of everyone, not just those in power and their privileged friends.

However, when stripped of these principles, cyber laws become tools of repression. Instead of protecting citizens, they serve the narrow interests of those in power and quickly become grounds on which democracy crumbles and citizens’ rights are grossly violated.

Across the continent, such laws impose harsh punishments to deter dissent, criminalise criticism of political leaders, restrict online organising by opposition parties and civil society, and allow surveillance of citizens without accountability.

In Zambia, the Cyber Security Act (2025) and the Cyber Crimes Act (2025) have intensified these concerns. Citizens fear their electronic communications can be intercepted at any time. Activists, journalists, and politicians face arrests for online statements deemed “offensive” or “false”. The chilling effect has discouraged political expression, reduced online organising, and left many young people self-censoring.

Worms in the apple

The Cyber Crimes Act of 2025 is particularly troubling because of its vague definitions of offences. Terms such as “false statements”, “lewd”, “emotional distress”, and “deceptive electronic communications” are left open to the interpretation of law enforcement officers. Without precise legal definitions, almost any online statement could be criminalised.

The law also lacks adequate judicial safeguards to prevent political targeting. The Zambia Cyber Security Agency, charged with implementing these laws, reports directly to the Office of the President rather than to Parliament or the judiciary. This undermines checks and balances. Worse still, the Act introduces criminal defamation offences, further threatening free expression and exposing citizens to arbitrary prosecution. This is likely to stifle legitimate expression and criticism.

For young Zambian politicians and activists, these laws represent a serious setback in their political participation. Already marginalised, under-represented, and often under-resourced in politics, young people now face even greater barriers to meaningful participation. It perpetuates young people’s voicelessness in civic and political decision-making. The legislation indirectly limits online campaigning, reduces access to supporters, exposes youth leaders to the risk of arrest for “fake news” or “offensive” posts, and fosters apathy by discouraging civic voices.

What youth can do with the apple

Despite these challenges, now is not the time for young politicians to cower and retreat. Instead, it is high time you understood your rights as enshrined in the Zambian Constitution, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the African Union Convention on Cyber Security and Personal Data Protection. These instruments affirm your freedoms of expression, assembly, and association, offline and online, as well as your rights to safety and privacy in the digital space.

Furthermore, advocate for reform of Zambia’s cyber laws to ensure they protect, not violate, human rights. Identify and collaborate with digital rights advocacy groups, and leverage multiparty dialogues for stronger advocacy. Often young politicians are not vocal and present in reform processes. As a politician, yours is not to just secure votes but, among other things, to also provide education to your constituents. In this case, educate others on digital safety, privacy, and responsible online conduct and on the risks associated with the cyber laws being implemented. Above all, know what the cyber laws expect of you, be responsible online by not wilfully spreading misinformation or hate speech or inciting violence, and practise digital hygiene by using secure communication tools, protecting personal data, and safeguarding privacy.

Despite restrictive laws, the internet continues to present unprecedented opportunities for young politicians. Social media and other digital communication tools allow you to connect with supporters, mobilise communities, and lead campaigns without the limitations of geography or time. Digital platforms can expand civic education, voter awareness, and fundraising efforts.

The future of apples

Democracy in Zambia, and across Africa, rests on the shoulders of its citizens, with youth forming the majority. As custodians of the present and future, young people must not surrender their voices. They must push for reforms, resist repression, and continue to innovate politically in digital spaces. The internet should be seen as a game-changer for political participation. Youth should be able to use it to win real gains on the civic front by amplifying their campaigns, advancing voter education, and mobilising for meaningful change. And in this era, cyber laws should serve as enablers, not hindrances.

Gerald sikazwe

The author works as CYLA’s Communications Assistant.

Press Statement

[Lusaka, October 2, 2023] - Today, as young women aspiring for leadership roles in politics, we stand united to send a resounding message to all women in politics and women in political leadership: it's time to grow our competence and skills.

Press Release

[Lusaka, September 29, 2023]- Today, the Center for Young Leaders in Africa (CYLA) Zambia, in partnership with the Southern African Development Community Youth Network (SADCYN), launches a groundbreaking initiative in Zambia with the aim of strengthening democracy, promoting fair elections, and enhancing good governance practices in the country.

Reflections on the Loans and Guarantees Act

Reflections on the Loans and Guarantees Act

As it stands, Zambia's debt situation is entering dire straits, with the unsustainability of the burden looming ominously over our macroeconomic stability. Without actionable amendments to the act, Zambia’s young people will have to continue contending with the debt burden. Our compromised political sovereignty puts us at the mercy of our lenders.